Quote of the Day
What Is the Easiest Question in the World to Answer Today [John Podhoretz]J-Pod and I have finally found something we can agree on!
Here it is: Is Mel Gibson an anti-Semite?
Posted at 2:20 PM
Using an expensive education to ramble about Economics, Politics and English Beer
What Is the Easiest Question in the World to Answer Today [John Podhoretz]J-Pod and I have finally found something we can agree on!
Here it is: Is Mel Gibson an anti-Semite?
Posted at 2:20 PM
But if there's any country in the world that should understand the nature of war against a guerrilla organization, it's Israel. Wanting to give an enemy a bloody nose is one thing, but they can't possibly have believed that an air campaign would do lasting damage to a broadly-supported indigenous guerrilla group like Hezbollah. Nor could they have seriously entertained the notion that they could bomb Beirut around the clock and create free-fire zones in southern Lebanon and still retain the sympathy of any substantial bloc of the Lebanese citizenry. Nor, having been the proximate cause of the rise of Hezbollah in the first place, could they have had any illusions about what effect a major war would ultimately have if it failed to utterly destroy its target.
But apparently they did. And now they don't know how to get out.
Andrew Stuttaford's Umbrella [John Podhoretz]The Chamberlain J-Pod is of course refering to is Neville Chamberlain, the infamous British PM who failed to stand up to Hitler at Munich in 1938. Yet rather than succumb to Podenfreude and revel in the sheer idiocy of J-Pod's insult, Stuttaford countered by arguing that things are far more complicated than J-Pod would have us believe:
Did you buy Chamberlain's at an auction?
Posted at 1:06 PM
Substantive, carefully argued criticism, John, but my point doesn't change. The West (and by that, I mean primarily the nation that is doing most of the work, the US) is, as you may have noticed, involved in a very wide-ranging, and complex, struggle with Islamic extremism, a struggle that, to varying degrees, has spread over a disturbingly large part of the globe. The US currently faces no greater challenge and, quite conceivably, danger. When America considers, therefore, how to react to what is occurring in the Lebanon, it has to ask itself the question whether what is now happening there is helping its efforts in a wider struggle that this country needs to win. That's a more complicated question than it sounds, of course, but I'm pretty sure that the answer is no.Failing to grasp the larger points raised by Stuttaford, J-Pod continued to reiterate the standard neocon script about how terrorits are evil, we are good, and therefore surrender equals appeasement. Patient as ever, Stuttaford once again hammered away at the big picture by outlining the pitfalls associated with lumping Al-Qaeda and Hezbollah together in the same category and warning that a protracted military stalement with Hezbollah would only exacerbate Israel's (and our) dilemma. Completely out-argued, out-classed, and out of his league, J-Pod was again forced to invoke the appeasement canard.
What if the tactical mistake we made in Iraq was that we didn't kill enough Sunnis in the early going to intimidate them and make them so afraid of us they would go along with anything? Wasn't the survival of Sunni men between the ages of 15 and 35 the reason there was an insurgency and the basic cause of the sectarian violence now?Is that what conservative opinion on the war has come to? Are they seriously arguing that genocide is a possible policy option that we need to be taking seriously? If so, such thinking represents the height of irresponsibility and immorality.
[W]e find no evidence for a large negative employment effect of higher minimum wages. Even in the earlier literature, however, the magnitude of the predicted employment losses from a much higher minimum wage would be small: the evidence at hand is relevant only for a moderate range of minimum wages, such as those that prevailed in the U.S. labor market during the past few decades. Within this range, however, there is little reason to believe that increases in the minimum wage will generate large employment losses.
~David Card and Alan B. Krueger, Myth and Measurement: The New Economics of the Minimum Wage, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995, p. 393).
Issue 7/31/06: The various Islamist movements pose various threats; but here is Islamism incarnated in a large and ambitious state. For this reason, U.S. policy toward Iran must consist of more than an attempt to frustrate its nuclear designs. If we do not isolate Iran regionally and globally, if we do not do everything we can to support the democratizing forces in Iran, and of course if we do not move ruthlessly to prevent Iran from acquiring the deadliest arsenal of all, then we will have presided over the creation of a nightmare worse than the nightmare of Saddam Hussein. [emphasis added]Since Matt beat me to this I'll give him the last word. Besides, he puts it far better than I ever could have anyway:
Issue 8/7/06: Soon, the diplomats will bring an end to the hostilities. What remains to be seen is whether they can also end the conditions that created the hostilities. Will Hezbollah be disarmed? Will Syria be persuaded to desist from its regional intrigue? Will the West finally get ruthlessly serious about Iran? (No, bombing is not the only instrument of policy we have.) [emphasis added]
In all ruthless seriousness, what does this mean? That bombing would be insufficiently ruthless and we should mount a full-scale invasion? That we should engage in ruthless measures short of military action? Which measures? Ask the Europeans nicely to impose sanctions? How ruthless is that? What's the difference between getting ruthlessly serious about something and getting seriously ruthless about it? How serious is it to play footsie with the idea of starting a war and then totally fail to say what you're talking about?
"We helped make this mess. Instead of relentlessly destroying terrorists and insurgents, we tried to wage war gently to please the media. We always let the bad guys off the ropes - and apologized when they showed the press their rope burns."Ralph Peters on why we're losing in Iraq. Notice how the onus of failure is put on the media rather than where it truely belongs. And to think that this stuff actually gets published...
"Think of what you hate most about your job. Then think of doing what you hate most for five straight hours, every single day, sometimes twice a day, in 120-degree heat," he said. "Then ask how morale is."Army Staff Sgt. Jose Sixtos on U.S. troop morale in Iraq
The US is now in its fifth year of growth since the last recession. Yet median
weekly earnings ... have fallen by 3.2 per cent in real terms since the start of
the recovery in October 2001. Similarly, average hourly earnings for
non-managerial workers have fallen by 0.6 per cent since the last quarter of
2001, according to the US Bureau of Labor Statistics. This contrasts with
previous US recoveries, in which wage growth started to overtake inflation at a
much earlier stage in the cycle.
Half of Americans now say Iraq had weapons of mass destruction when the United States invaded the country in 2003 -- up from 36 percent last year, a Harris poll finds.I'm speechless.
The administration, then, must match its goals in Iraq to the resources it is prepared to deploy. Since it cannot unify Iraq or stop the civil war, it should work with the regions that have emerged. Where no purpose is served by a continuing military presence — in the Shiite south and in Baghdad — America and its allies should withdraw.Peter Galbraith, in the New York Times today, echoing what has become painfully obvious to anyone serious about getting the most out of what's left of our disastrous intervention in Iraq. It's time to set in motion a plan for significant troop drawdowns and redeployments. Read the whole thing. For Galbraith, the only thing we can do now is to try to "keep Al Qaeda from creating a base from which it can plot attacks on the United States." We should go about doing this not by maintaining 130,000 boots on the ground throughout Iraq or by shifting more troops to Baghdad, but "by placing a small “over the horizon” force in Kurdistan."
As an alternative to using Shiite and American troops to fight the insurgency in Iraq’s Sunni center, the administration should encourage the formation of several provinces into a Sunni Arab region with its own army, as allowed by Iraq’s Constitution. Then the Pentagon should pull its troops from this Sunni territory and allow the new leaders to establish their authority without being seen as collaborators.
Hezbollah attacks on Israelis were far lower in the post-withdrawal era than in the pre-withdrawal era. Withdrawal from Lebanon brought other benefits as well. With Israeli forces no longer on Lebanese territory, the nominal rationale for Syria's presence in Lebanon was undercut. This, in turn, played a key role in the Lebanon's recent political evolution in the direction of independence and democracy.Though my understanding of the effects of the withdrawal is more in line with Matt's interpretation, I'd be open to changing my mind if Kurtz provided some evidence to back up his claim.
there have been other events in history besides appeasement and there are other decades that can be learnt from besides the 1930s. In fact, the struggle between western liberalism and Islamism may end up looking a lot more like the cold war than the second world war....Then, as now, there were episodes of “hot war” – in Korea and elsewhere. But the cold war ultimately turned on a struggle between ideologies and social systems, rather than armies.
Communism finally imploded because it could not produce prosperity or a decent society. Militant Islamism – a miserable, medieval philosophy – is bound ultimately to go the same way...Incapable of offering the hope of a decent life (at least on earth), Islamism’s only real recruiting sergeant is an appeal to a sense of Muslim humiliation and rage against the west. There may be further occasions when the “war on terror” requires military action.
But each new military front will be eagerly greeted by Islamists as a validation of their world view. It is no accident that one man who would happily embrace Mr Gingrich’s vision of a “third world war” is Osama bin Laden.
“The Israeli attacks and airstrikes are completely destroying Lebanon’s infrastructure,” Mr. Maliki said at an afternoon news conference inside the fortified Green Zone, which houses the American Embassy and the seat of the Iraqi government. “I condemn these aggressions and call on the Arab League foreign ministers’ meeting in Cairo to take quick action to stop these aggressions. We call on the world to take quick stands to stop the Israeli aggression.”In other news from Iraq, the U.N. Assistance Mission for Iraq reported yesterday that more than 100 Iraqis died per day during the month of June while sectarian violence has forced more than 1,000 Iraqi families to abandon their homes in mixed Sunni/Shia areas of Baghdad.
But Hezbollah garnered the second largest number of electoral seats in the Lebanese parliament, having joined up with Nabih Berri's Amal Party. Hezbollah, in fact, has some 35 seats in a 128-strong parliament, second only to the 72 seats of "Future Tide", Said Hariri's anti-Syrian coalition. How do you just eradicate an entire political party, that enjoys major support from the country's Shi'a population (keeping in mind the Shi'a are the single largest religious sect in Lebanon, representing 30-40% of the population)? And does anyone believe reducing rows of apartment complexes in southern Beirut to heaps of rubble, imposing an air and naval blockade, and pummeling Shi'a towns in the south is the answer to this conundrum? Are the Shi'a of Lebanon going to wake up the day after and say, gosh darnit, Nasrallah is just an out and out sonafabitch, and thanks to the Israelis for getting rid of him? Well of course not.Gregory Djerejian on the "Jacobin-like" fantasies emanating from the Weekly Standard and NRO. Can anyone seriously maintain that these guys have America's best interests at heart?
Is there any doubt that, if this guy (President Bush) got Parkinson's Disease, he'd eat those little buggers out of the petri dish with a spoon, probably dribbling some of them on Tony Blair in the process?Personal attacks like this contribute nothing to the debate and will likely give critics on the right ample ammo to continue their campaign to paint Democrats as a bunch of baby-killing/uncompromising extremists.
Ten civilian casualties can be ten too many if there is no military value in the target. (See, e.g., the typical terrorist suicide bombing.) Hundreds (even thousands) of civilian casualties can be justified if they are fall-out from an appropriate military operation and/or if, in the long run, enduring them means fewer civilian casualties (e.g., strikes that destroy the capabiities of a terrorist organization that hides among civilians).The big question here concerns what constitutes "an appropriate military operation". While targeting Hezbollah in southern Lebanon is certainly an appropriate response, I'm not sure McCarthy's logic applies as cleanly when it comes to lobbing shells into civilian areas in Beruit. Moreover, if evidence on the ground suggests that a UN orchestrated cease-fire would be more likely to bring an end to the conflict, then it is incumbent upon Israel to pursue a diplomatic solution. As Matt notes, given Israel's long and bloody relationship with Hezbollah, "it seems very unlikely that weeks or months of anti-Hezbollah actions are going to provide a permanent solution to Israel's problem on the northern border."
The administration, justly criticized for its Iraq premises and their execution, is suddenly receiving some criticism so untethered from reality as to defy caricature. The national, ethnic and religious dynamics of the Middle East are opaque to most people, but to the Weekly Standard -- voice of a spectacularly misnamed radicalism, "neoconservatism" -- everything is crystal clear: Iran is the key to everything.George Will (I also referred to this column in my previous post), taking on the Weekly Standard for the nonsense it keeps peddling about how we need to knock off just about every regime in the Middle East. Read the whole thing. As J-Pod put it over at the Corner, the piece might "prove to be the most discussed op-ed of the year."
A report released last Tuesday by the American Council on Education, and discussed in various media articles this week, indicates that over 55% of college students are women. This reflects a continuing upward trend in women's share of enrollments for the past 30 years.
On pretty much all objective measures, women deserve to have greater college representation than men because they study harder, get better grades, are more likely to graduate from high school, complete their school work in a more timely fashion, write better, and in other ways outperform young men. Schools competing in trying to get the best students naturally respond to this, and end up selecting larger numbers of young women than young men. Women still remain a minority, however, in the sciences, engineering, business, and economics ...
... gender pay convergence slowed during the 1990's even though the education of women in the labor force continued to grow relative to that of men. This slowdown in convergence is consistent with my belief that earnings of the average women in the labor force will not rise above that of the average man, although an increasing fraction of women in the labor force will have higher hourly earnings than men. While the gap between the education of women and men in the labor force will continue to
grow, the commitment of women to careers will remain below that of men, despite the claims about their career ambitions from the selected college women in the media stories on the enrollment gap.
"Grotesque" was Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice's characterization of the charge that the U.S. invasion of Iraq was responsible for the current Middle East conflagration. She is correct, up to a point. This point: Hezbollah and Hamas were alive and toxic long before March 2003. Still, it is not perverse to wonder whether the spectacle of America, currently learning a lesson -- one that conservatives should not have to learn on the job -- about the limits of power to subdue an unruly world, has emboldened many enemies.Who knew that Will was such a fan of Goebbels!
The question was, do I think we're winning in Iraq?....Army Chief of Staff Peter Schoomaker at a recent CATO seminar responding to a question on how we're doing in Iraq. Hat Tip: Kevin Drum
[Long silence, sound of papers shuffling.]
I, y’know....
[Another silence.]
I think I would answer that by telling you I don’t think we’re losing.
when Teheran's mullahs boast that neither the United States nor Israel can touch them, they have a point. The point seems to have been lost on those encouraging Israel to consider a strike on Iran. But it ought not to be. The Bush team has evidently, and rightly, decided that Israel's right to self-defense trumps America's longer-term aims in Lebanon. It does not, however, trump America's own self-defense in Iraq...
"I did not call him a terrorist... .I am not a cultured person and I don't even know what an Islamist terrorist is. For me the mother is sacred, you know that."This just keeps getting weirder and weirder.
The fact is, there is very little that we can do to dampen the sectarian rage and pathologies tearing Iraq apart at the seams. Did the Army make a mistake when it banished "counterinsurgency" from the lexicon of military affairs? Absolutely. Does it matter in Iraq? Probably not. How can you win over the heart and mind of someone who sews a dog's head on a girl? Would more U.S. troops alter Iraq's homicidal dynamic? Not really, given that, on the question of sectarian rage, America is now largely beside the point. True, U.S. troops can be--and have been--a vital buffer between Iraq's warring sects. But they cannot reprogram their coarsened and brittle cultures. Even if America had arrived in Iraq with a detailed post-war plan, twice the number of troops, and all the counterinsurgency expertise in the world, my guess is that we would have found ourselves in exactly the same spot. The Iraqis, after all, still would have had the final say.To be sure, many of Kaplan's dispatches for TNR from Iraq have echoed similar sentiments. What's more, he isn't calling for the withdrawal of U.S. troops. But it seems to me that if you harbor the sentiments expressed by Kaplan above, the only real option left is some kind of plan for eventual withdrawal.
But that's really just a single piece of a broader, and even more remarkable turn of events: the Bush administration literally seems to have no foreign policy at all anymore. They have no serious plan for Iraq, no plan for Iran, no plan for North Korea, no plan for democracy promotion, no plan for anything. With the neocons on the outs, Condoleezza Rice at the State Department, and Dick Cheney continuing to drift into an alternate universe at the OVP, the Bush administration seems completely at sea. There's virtually no ideological coherency to their foreign policy that I can discern, and no credible followup on what little coherency is left.Kevin Drum on the growing incoherence of Bush's foreign policy.
As near as I can tell, George Bush has learned that "There's evil in the world and we're going to stand up to it" isn't really adequate as a foreign policy for a superpower but is unable to figure out anything better to replace it with. So he spins his wheels, waiting for 2009. Unfortunately, the rest of us are left spinning with him.
So why would you, if you're Boot, remain committed to the continuation of a war whose strategy you think is doomed to failure? An awful lot of the more intelligent hawks seem to be in this position. They don't want to endorse withdrawal, but they have no good-faith belief that continuing the war on any realistic course will produce a positive outcome. That, to me, is near the height of irresponsibility.Matt Yglesias on the growing insanity of many of the explanations given for why we need to stay in Iraq.
Baghdad gets better every day. You think I'm joking, but I'm not. If people knew what it was like in the IZ, they'd pay to come here. Instead, people somehow intuit what they think the life of those people administrating a war and reconstruction should be like, and assume it is like that. Instead, Jesus, the Embassy is like MTV Spring Break Baghdad. Bunker mentality like all hell. The civil servants are on rotations of six months or less, and most of them never step outside of the wire. It's just impossible to work that way.
The synopsis is this: Legions of dedicated, passionate, sincere, intelligent people are frustrated to their wits' end by an utter absence of leadership from the top echelons of government. They're frustrated by the ineptitude displayed in planning from day one, frustrated by the bunker mentality, and frustrated by the abysmal misapplication of resources. (That pool is never out of service. Never.)
"Well, I'm a Democrat, and I'll say it: anyone we capture on a battlefield should be subject to the minimum standards of decency outlined in the Geneva Conventions. That includes terrorists. It's our way of telling the world that we aren't barbarians; that we believe in minimal standards of human decency even if our enemies don't. It's also a necessary — though not sufficient — requirement for winning this war."Kevin Drum, responding to Jonah Goldberg's claim that "smart" Democrats would not want terrorists to "fall under the Geneva Convention."